(1878—1965)
Buber was also an important
cultural Zionist who promoted Jewish cultural renewal through his study of
Hasidic Judaism. He recorded and translated Hasidic legends and anecdotes,
translated the Bible from Hebrew into German in collaboration with Franz
Rosenzweig, and wrote numerous religious and Biblical studies. He advocated a
bi-national Israeli-Palestinian state and argued for the renewal of society
through decentralized, communitarian socialism. The leading Jewish adult
education specialist in Germany in the 1930s, he developed a philosophy of
education based on addressing the whole person through education of character,
and directed the creation of Jewish education centers in Germany and teacher-training
centers in Israel.
Most current scholarly work
on Buber is done in the areas of pedagogy, psychology and applied social
ethics.
1.
Biography
Mordecai Martin Buber was
born in Vienna in February 8, 1878. When he was three, his mother deserted him,
and his paternal grandparents raised him in Lemberg (now, Lviv) until the age
of fourteen, after which he moved to his father’s estate in Bukovina. Buber
would only see his mother once more, when he was in his early thirties. This
encounter he described as a “mismeeting” that helped teach him the meaning of
genuine meeting. His grandfather, Solomon, was a community leader and scholar
who edited the first critical edition of the Midrashim traditional biblical
commentaries. Solomon’s estate helped support Buber until it was confiscated
during World War II.
Buber was educated in a
multi-lingual setting and spoke German, Hebrew, Yiddish, Polish, English,
French and Italian, with a reading knowledge of Spanish, Latin, Greek and
Dutch. At the age of fourteen he began to be tormented with the problem of
imagining and conceptualizing the infinity of time. Reading Kant’s Prolegomena
to All Future Metaphysics helped relieve this anxiety. Shortly after he became
taken with Nietzsche’s Thus Spoke Zarathustra, which he began to translate into
Polish. However, this infatuation with Nietzsche was short lived and later in
life Buber stated that Kant gave him philosophic freedom, whereas Nietzsche
deprived him of it.
Buber spent his first year
of university studies at Vienna. Ultimately the theatre culture of Vienna and
the give-and-take of the seminar format impressed him more than any of his
particular professors. The winters of 1897-98 and 1898-99 were spent at the
University of Leipzig, where he took courses in philosophy and art history and
participated in the psychiatric clinics of Wilhelm Wundt and Paul Flecksig (see
Schmidt’s Martin Buber’s Formative Years: From German Culture to Jewish
Renewal, 1897-1909 for an analysis of Buber’s life during university studies
and a list of courses taken). He considered becoming a psychiatrist, but was
upset at the poor treatment and conditions of the patients.
The summer of 1899 he went
to the University of Zürich, where he met his wife Paula Winkler (1877-1958, pen
name Georg Munk). Paula was formally converted from Catholicism to Judaism.
They had two children, Rafael (1900-90) and Eva (1901-92).
From 1899-1901 Buber
attended the University of Berlin, where he took several courses with Wilhelm
Dilthey and Georg Simmel. He later explained that his philosophy of dialogue
was a conscious reaction against their notion of inner experience (Erlebnis)
(see Mendes-Flohr’s From Mysticism to Dialogue: Martin Buber’s Transformation
of German Social Thought for an analysis of the influence of Dilthey and
Simmel). During this time Buber gave lectures on the seventeenth century
Lutheran mystic Jakob Böhme, publishing an article on him in 1901 and writing
his dissertation for the University of Vienna in 1904 “On the History of the
Problem of Individuation: Nicholas of Cusa and Jakob Böhme.” After this he
lived in Florence from 1905-06, working on a habilitation thesis in art history
that he never completed.
In 1904 Buber came across
Tzevaat Ha-RIBASH (The Testament of Rabbi Israel, the Baal-Shem Tov), a
collection of sayings by the founder of Hasidism. Buber began to record Yiddish
Hasidic legends in German, publishing The Tales of Rabbi Nachman, on the Rabbi
of Breslov, in 1906, and The Legend of the Baal-Shem in 1907. The Legend of the
Baal-Shem sold very well and influenced writers Ranier Maria Rilke, Franz Kafka
and Herman Hesse. Buber was a habitual re-writer and editor of all of his
writings, which went through many editions even in his lifetime, and many of
these legends were later rewritten and included in his later two volume Tales
of the Hasidim (1947).
At the same time Buber
emerged as a leader in the Zionist movement. Initially under the influence of
Theodor Herzl, Buber’s Democratic Faction of the Zionist Party, but dramatically
broke away from Herzl after the 1901 Fifth Zionist Congress when the
organization refused to fund their cultural projects. In contrast to Herzl’s
territorial Zionism, Buber’s Zionism, like that of Ahad Ha’am, was based on
cultural renewal. Buber put together the first all-Jewish art exhibition in
1901, and in 1902 co-founded Jüdischer Verlag, a publishing house that produced
collections of Jewish poetry and art, with poet Berthold Feiwel, graphic artist
Ephraim Mosche Lilien and writer Davis Trietsche. This dedication to the arts
continued through the 1910s and 20s, as Buber published essays on theatre and
helped to develop both the Hellerau Experimental Theatre and the Dusseldorf
Playhouse (see Biemann and Urban’s works for Buber’s notion of Jewish
Renaissance and Braiterman for Buber’s relation to contemporaneous artistic
movements).
Buber was the editor of the
weekly Zionist paper Die Welt in 1901 and of Die Gesellschaft, a collection of
forty sociopsychological monographs, from 1905-12 (On Die Gesellschaft see
Mendes-Flohr’s From Mysticism to Dialogue: Martin Buber’s Transformation of
German Social Thought). His influence as a Jewish leader grew with a series of
lectures given between 1909-19 in Prague for the Zionist student group Bar
Kochba, later published as “Speeches on Judaism,” and was established by his
editorship of the influential monthly journal Der Jude from 1916-24. He also
founded, and from 1926-29 co-edited, Die Kreatur with theologian Joseph Wittig
and physician Viktor von Weizsäcker. Always active in constructing dialogue
across borders, this was the first high level periodical to be co-edited by
members of the Jewish, Protestant and Catholic faiths. Buber continued
inter-religious dialogue throughout his life, corresponding for instance with
Protestant theologians Paul Tillich and Reinhold Niebuhr.
Despite his prolific
publishing endeavors, Buber struggled to complete I and Thou. First drafted in
1916 and then revised in 1919, it was not until he went through a self-styled
three-year spiritual ascesis in which he only read Hasidic material and
Descartes’ Discourse on Method that he was able to finally publish this
groundbreaking work in 1923. After I and Thou, Buber is best known for his
translation of the Hebrew Bible into German. This monumental work began in 1925
in collaboration with Franz Rosenzweig, but was not completed until 1961, more
than 30 years after Rosenzweig’s death.
In 1923 Buber was appointed
the first lecturer in “Jewish Religious Philosophy and Ethics” at the
University of Frankfurt. He resigned after Hitler came into power in 1933 and
was banned from teaching until 1935, but continued to conduct Jewish-Christian
dialogues and organize Jewish education until he left for British Palestine in
1938. Initially Buber had planned to teach half a year in Palestine at Hebrew
University, an institution he had helped to conceive and found, and half a year
in Germany. But Kristallnacht, the devastation of his library in Heppenheim and
charges of Reichsfluchtsteuer (Tax on Flight from the Reich), because he had
not obtained a legal emigration permit, forced his relocation.
Buber engaged in “spiritual
resistance” against Nazism through communal education, seeking to give a
positive basis for Jewish identity by organizing the teaching of Hebrew, the
Bible and the Talmud. He reopened an influential and prestigious Frankfurt center
for Jewish studies, Freies jüdisches Lehrhaus (Free Jewish House of Learning)
in 1933 and directed it until his emigration. In 1934 he created and directed
the “Central Office for Jewish Adult Education” for the Reichsvertretung der
deutschen Juden (National Representation of German Jews).
After giving well-attended
talks in Berlin at the Berlin College of Jewish Education and the Berlin
Philharmonie, Buber, who as one of the leading Jewish public figures in Germany
became known as the “arch-Jew” by the Nazis, was banned from speaking in public
or at closed sessions of Jewish organizations. Despite extreme political
pressure, he continued to give lectures and published several essays, including
“The Question to the Single One” in 1936, which uses an analysis of Kierkegaard
to attack the foundations of totalitarianism (see Between Man and Man).
After his emigration Buber
became Chair of the Department of Sociology of Hebrew University, which he held
until his retirement in 1951. Continuing the educational work he had begun in
Germany, Buber established Beth Midrash l’Morei Am (School for the Education of
Teachers of the People) in 1949 and directed it until 1953. This prepared
teachers to live and work in the hostels and settlements of the newly arriving emigrants.
Education was based on the notion of dialogue, with small classes, mutual
questioning and answering, and psychological help for those coming from
detention camps.
From the beginning of his
Zionist activities Buber advocated Jewish-Arab unity in ending British rule of
Palestine and a binational state. In 1925 he helped found Brit Shalom (Covenant
of Peace) and in 1939 helped form the League for Jewish-Arab Rapprochement and
Cooperation, which consolidated all of the bi-national groups. In 1942, the
League created a political platform that was used as the basis for the
political party the Ichud (or Ihud, that is, Union). For his work for
Jewish-Arab parity Dag Hammarskjöld (then Secretary-General of the United
Nations) nominated him for the Nobel Peace Prize in 1959.
In addition to his
educational and political activities, the 1940s and 50s saw an outburst of more
than a dozen books on philosophy, politics and religion, and numerous public
talks throughout America and Europe. Buber received many awards, including the
Goethe Prize of the University of Hamburg (1951), the Peace Prize of the German
Book Trade (1953), the first Israeli honorary member of the American Academy of
Arts and Sciences (1961), and the Erasmus Prize (1963). However, Buber’s most
cherished honor was an informal student celebration of his 85th birthday, in
which some 400 students from Hebrew University rallied outside his house and
made him an honorary member of their student union.
On June 13, 1965 Martin
Buber died. The leading Jewish political figures of the time attended his
funeral. Classes were cancelled and hundreds of students lined up to say
goodbye as Buber was buried in the Har-Hamenuchot cemetery in Jerusalem.
2.
Philosophical Anthropology
a.
Introduction
Martin Buber’s major
philosophic works in English are the widely read I and Thou (1923), a
collection of essays from the 1920s and 30s published as Between Man and Man, a
collection of essays from the 1950s published as The Knowledge of Man: Selected
Essays and Good and Evil: Two Interpretations (1952). For many thinkers Buber
is the philosopher of I and Thou and he himself often suggested one begin with
that text. However, his later essays articulate a complex and worthy
philosophical anthropology.
Buber called himself a
“philosophical anthropologist” in his 1938 inaugural lectures as Professor of
Social Philosophy at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, entitled “What is
Man?” (in Between Man and Man). He states that he is explicitly responding to
Kant’s question “What is man?” and acknowledges in his biographic writings that
he has never fully shaken off Kant’s influence. But while Buber finds certain
similarities between his thought and Kant’s, particularly in ethics, he
explains in “Elements of the Interhuman” (in The Knowledge of Man, 1957) that
their origin and goal differ. The origin for Buber is always lived experience,
which means something personal, affective, corporeal and unique, and embedded in
a world, in history and in sociality. The goal is to study the wholeness of
man, especially that which has been overlooked or remains hidden. As an
anthropologist he wants to observe and investigate human life and experience as
it is lived, beginning with one’s own particular experience; as a philosophic
anthropologist he wants to make these particular experiences that elude the
universality of language understood. Any comprehensive overview of Buber’s
philosophy is hampered by his disdain for systemization. Buber stated that
ideologization was the worst thing that could happen to his philosophy and
never argued for the objectivity of his concepts. Knowing only the reality of
his own experience, he appealed to others who had analogous experiences.
Buber begins these lectures
by asserting that man only becomes a problem to himself and asks “What is man?”
in periods of social and cosmic homelessness. Targeting Kant and Hegel, he
argues that while this questioning begins in solitude, in order for man to find
who he is, he must overcome solitude and the whole way of conceiving of
knowledge and reality that is based on solitude. Buber accuses Hegel of
denigrating the concrete human person and community in favor of universal
reason and argues that man will never be at home or overcome his solitude in
the universe that Hegel postulates. With its emphasis on history, Hegel locates
perfection in time rather than in space. This type of future-oriented
perfection, Buber argues, can be thought, but it cannot be imagined, felt or
lived. Our relationship to this type of perfection can only rest on faith in a
guarantor for the future.
Instead, Buber locates
realization in relations between creatures. Overcoming our solitude, which
tends to oscillate between conceiving of the self as absorbed in the all
(collectivism) and the all as absorbed into the self (solipsistic mysticism),
we realize that we always exist in the presence of other selves, and that the
self is a part of reality only insofar as it is relational. In contrast to the
traditional philosophic answers to “What is man?” that fixate on reason,
self-consciousness or free will, Buber argues that man is the being who faces
an “other”, and a human home is built from relations of mutual confirmation.
b.
“I-Thou” and “I-It”
Martin Buber’s most
influential philosophic work, I and Thou (1923), is based on a distinction
between two word-pairs that designate two basic modes of existence: I-Thou”
(Ich-Du) and “I-It” (Ich-Es). The “I-Thou” relation is the pure encounter of
one whole unique entity with another in such a way that the other is known
without being subsumed under a universal. Not yet subject to classification or limitation, the “Thou” is
not reducible to spatial or temporal characteristics. In contrast to this the “I-It”
relation is driven by categories of “same” and “different” and focuses on
universal definition. An “I-It” relation experiences a detached thing, fixed in
space and time, while an “I-Thou” relation participates in the dynamic, living
process of an “other”.
Buber characterizes “I-Thou”
relations as “dialogical” and “I-It” relations as “monological.” In his 1929
essay “Dialogue,” Buber explains that monologue is not just a turning away from
the other but also a turning back on oneself (Rückbiegung). To perceive the
other as an It is to take them as a classified and hence predictable and
manipulable object that exists only as a part of one’s own experiences. In
contrast, in an “I-Thou” relation both participants exist as polarities of
relation, whose center lies in the between (Zwischen).
The “I” of man differs in
both modes of existence. The “I” may be taken as the sum of its inherent
attributes and acts, or it may be taken as a unitary, whole, irreducible being.
The “I” of the “I-It” relation is a self-enclosed, solitary individual (der
Einzige) that takes itself as the subject of experience. The “I” of the
“I-Thou” relation is a whole, focused, single person (der Einzelne) that knows
itself as subject. In later writings Buber clarified that inner life is not
exhausted by these two modes of being. However, when man presents himself to
the world he takes up one of them.
While each of us is born an
individual, Buber draws on the Aristotelian notion of entelechy, or innate
self-realization, to argue that the development of this individuality, or sheer
difference, into a whole personality, or fulfilled difference, is an ongoing
achievement that must be constantly maintained. In I and Thou, Buber explains
that the self becomes either more fragmentary or more unified through its
relationships to others. This emphasis on intersubjectivity is the main
difference between I and Thou and Buber’s earlier Daniel: Dialogues on
Realization (1913). Like I and Thou, Daniel distinguishes between two modes of
existence: orienting (Rientierung), which is a scientific grasp of the world
that links experiences, and realization (Verwirklichung), which is immersion in
experience that leads to a state of wholeness. While these foreshadow the
“I-It” and “I-Thou” modes, neither expresses a relationship to a real “other”.
In I and Thou man becomes whole not in relation to himself but only through a
relation to another self. The formation of the “I” of the “I-Thou” relation
takes place in a dialogical relationship in which each partner is both active
and passive and each is affirmed as a whole being. Only in this relationship is
the other truly an “other”, and only in this encounter can the “I” develop as a
whole being.
Buber identifies three
spheres of dialogue, or “I Thou” relations, which correspond to three types of
otherness. We exchange in language, broadly conceived, with man, transmit below
language with nature, and receive above language with spirit. Socrates is
offered as the paradigmatic figure of dialogue with man, Goethe, of dialogue
with nature, and Jesus, of dialogue with spirit. That we enter into dialogue
with man is easily seen; that we also enter into dialogue with nature and
spirit is less obvious and the most controversial and misunderstood aspect of I
and Thou. However, if we focus on the “I-Thou” relationship as a meeting of
singularities, we can see that if we truly enter into relation with a tree or
cat, for instance, we apprehend it not as a thing with certain attributes,
presenting itself as a concept to be dissected, but as a singular being, one
whole confronting another.
Dialogue with spirit is the
most difficult to explicate because Buber uses several different images for it.
At times he describes dialogue with spirit as dialogue with the “eternal Thou,”
which he sometimes calls God, which is
eternally “other”. Because of this, I and Thou was widely embraced by
Protestant theologians, who also held the notion that no intermediary was
necessary for religious knowledge. Buber also argues that the precondition for
a dialogic community is that each member be in a perpetual relation to a common
center, or “eternal Thou”. Here the “eternal Thou” represents the presence of
relationality as an eternal value. At other times, Buber describes dialogue
with spirit as the encounter with form that occurs in moments of artistic
inspiration or the encounter with personality that occurs in intensive
engagement with another thinker’s works. Spiritual address is that which calls
us to transcend our present state of being through creative action. The eternal
form can either be an image of the self one feels called to become or some
object or deed that one feels called to bring into the world.
Besides worries over Buber’s
description of man’s dialogue with nature and spirit, three other main
complaints have been raised against I and Thou. The first, mentioned by Walter
Kaufmann in the introduction to his translation of I and Thou, is that the
language is overly obscure and romantic, so that there is a risk that the
reader will be aesthetically swept along into thinking the text is more
profound than it actually is. Buber acknowledges that the text was written in a
state of inspiration. For this reason it is especially important to also read
his later essays, which are more clearly written and rigorously argued. E. la
B. Cherbonnier notes in “Interrogation of Martin Buber” that every objective
criticism of Buber’s philosophy would belong, by definition, to the realm of
“I-It”. Given the incommensurability of the two modes, this means no objective
criticism of the “I-Thou” mode is possible. In his response Buber explains that
he is concerned to avoid internal contradiction and welcomes criticism.
However, he acknowledges that his intention was not to create an objective
philosophic system but to communicate an experience.
Finally, I and Thou is often
criticized for denigrating philosophic and scientific knowledge by elevating
“I-Thou” encounters above “I-It” encounters. It is important to note that Buber
by no means renounces the usefulness and necessity of “I-It” modes. His point
is rather to investigate what it is to be a person and what modes of activity
further the development of the person. Though one is only truly human to the
extent one is capable of “I-Thou” relationships, the “It” world allows us to
classify, function and navigate. It gives us all scientific knowledge and is
indispensable for life. There is a graduated structure of “I-It” relations as
they approximate an “I-Thou” relationship, but the “I-Thou” remains contrasted
to even the highest stage of an “I-It” relation, which still contains some
objectification. However, each “Thou” must sometimes turn into an “It”, for in
responding to an “other” we bind it to representation. Even the “eternal Thou”
is turned into an It for us when religion, ethics and art become fixed and
mechanical. However, an “I-It” relation can be constituted in such a way as to
leave open the possibility of further “I-Thou” encounters, or so as to close
off that possibility.
c.
Distance and Relation
In I and Thou Martin Buber
discusses the a priori basis of the relation, presenting the “I-Thou” encounter
as the more primordial one, both in the life of humans, as when an infant
reaches for its mother, and in the life of a culture, as seen in relationships
in primitive cultures. However, in the 1951 essay “Distance and Relation,”
written in the midst of the Palestinian conflicts, he explains that while this
may be true from an anthropological perspective, from an ontological one it
must be said that distance (Urdistanz) is the precondition for the emergence of
relation (Beziehung), whether “I-Thou” or “I-It”. Primal distance sets up the
possibility of these two basic word pairs, and the between (Zwischen) emerges
out of them. Humans find themselves primally distanced and differentiated; it
is our choice to then thin or thicken the distance by entering into an “I-Thou”
relation with an “other” or withdrawing into an “I-It” mode of existence.
Only man truly distances,
Buber argues, and hence only man has a “world.” Man is the being through whose
existence what “is” becomes recognized for itself. Animals respond to the other
only as embedded within their own experience, but even when faced with an
enemy, man is capable of seeing his enemy as a being with similar emotions and
motivations. Even if these are unknown , we are able to recognize that these
unknown qualities of the other are “real” while our fantasies about the other
are not. Setting at a distance is hence not the consequence of a reflective,
“It” attitude, but the precondition for all human encounters with the world,
including reflection.
Buber argues that every
stage of the spirit, however primal, wishes to form and express itself. Form
assumes communication with an interlocutor who will recognize and share in the
form one has made. Distance and relation mutually correspond because in order
for the world to be grasped as a whole by a person, it must be distanced and
independent from him and yet also include him, and his attitude, perception,
and relation to it. Consequently, one cannot truly have a world unless one
receives confirmation of one’s own substantial and independent identity in
one’s relations with others.
Relation presupposes
distance, but distance can occur without genuine relation. Buber explains that
distance is the universal situation of our existence; relation is personal
becoming in the situation. Relation presupposes a genuine other and only man
sees the other as other. This other withstands and confirms the self and hence
meets our primal instinct for relation. Just as we have the instinct to name,
differentiate, and make independent a lasting and substantial world, we also
have the instinct to relate to what we have made independent. Only man truly
relates, and when we move away from relation we give up our specifically human
status.
d.
Confirmation and Inclusion
Confirmation is a central
theme of Martin Buber’s philosophic texts as well as his articles on education
and politics. Buber argues that, while animals sometimes turn to humans in a
declaring or announcing mode, they do not need to be told that they are what
they are and do not see whom they address as an existence independent of their
own experience. But because man experiences himself as indeterminate, his
actualization of one possibility over another needs confirmation. In
confirmation one meets, chooses and recognizes the other as a subject with the
capacity to actualize one’s own potential. In order for confirmation to be
complete one must know that he is being made present to the other.
As becomes clear in his
articles on education, confirmation is not the same as acceptance or
unconditional affirmation of everything the other says or does. Since we are
not born completely focused and differentiated and must struggle to achieve a
unified personality, sometimes we have to help an “other” to actualize
themselves against their own immediate inclination. In these cases confirmation
denotes a grasp of the latent unity of the other and confirmation of what the
other can become. Nor does confirmation imply that a dialogic or “I-Thou”
relation must always be fully mutual. Helping relations, such as educating or
healing, are necessarily asymmetrical.
In the course of his writing
Buber uses various terms, such as “embrace” or “inclusion” (Umfassung),
“imagining the real” (Realphantasie), and in reference to Kant, “synthesizing
apperception,” to describe the grasp of the other that is necessary for
confirmation and that occurs in an “I-Thou” relation. “Imagining the real” is a
capacity; “making present” is an event, the highest expression of this capacity
in a genuine meeting of two persons. This form of knowledge is not the
subsumption of the particularity of the other under a universal category. When
one embraces the pain of another, this is not a sense of what pain is in
general, but knowledge of this specific pain of this specific person. Nor is
this identification with them, since the pain always remains their own specific
pain. Buber differentiates inclusion from empathy. In empathy one’s own
concrete personality and situation is lost in aesthetic absorption in the
other. In contrast, through inclusion, one person lives through a common event
from the standpoint of another person, without giving up their own point of
view.
e.
Good and Evil
Martin Buber’s 1952 Good and
Evil: Two Interpretations answers the question “What is man?” in a slightly
different way than the essays in Between Man and Man and The Knowledge of Man.
Rather than focusing on relation, Good and Evil: Two Interpretations emphasizes
man’s experience of possibility and struggle to become actualized. Framing his
discussion around an analysis of psalms and Zoroastrian and Biblical myths,
Buber interprets the language of sin, judgment and atonement in purely existential
terms that are influenced by Hasidic Judaism, Kant’s analysis of caprice
(Willkür) and focused will (Wille), and Kierkegaard’s discussion of anxiety.
Buber argues that good and evil are not two poles of the same continuum, but
rather direction (Richtung) and absence of direction, or vortex (Wirbel). Evil
is a formless, chaotic swirling of potentiality; in the life of man it is
experienced as endless possibility pulling in all directions. Good is that
which forms and determines this possibility, limiting it into a particular direction. We manifest the good to
the extent we become a singular being with a singular direction.
Buber explains that
imagination is the source of both good and evil. The “evil urge” in the
imagination generates endless possibilities. This is fundamental and necessary,
and only becomes “evil” when it is completely separated from direction. Man’s
task is not to eradicate the evil urge, but to reunite it with the good, and
become a whole being. The first stage of evil is “sin,” occasional
directionlessness. Endless possibility can be overwhelming, leading man to
grasp at anything, distracting and busying himself, in order to not have to
make a real, committed choice. The second stage of evil is “wickedness,” when
caprice is embraced as a deformed substitute for genuine will and becomes
characteristic. If occasional caprice is sin, and embraced caprice is
wickedness, creative power in conjunction with will is wholeness. The “good
urge” in the imagination limits possibility by saying no to manifold
possibility and directing passion in order to decisively realize potentiality.
In so doing it redeems evil by transforming it from anxious possibility into
creativity. Because of the temptation of possibility, one is not whole or good
once and for all. Rather, this is an achievement that must be constantly
accomplished.
Buber interprets the claim
that in the end the good are rewarded and the bad punished as the experience
the bad have of their own fragmentation, insubstantiality and “non-existence.”
Arguing that evil can never be done with the whole being, but only out of inner
contradiction, Buber states that the lie or divided spirit is the specific evil
that man has introduced into nature. Here “lie” denotes a self that evades
itself, as manifested not just in a gap between will and action, but more
fundamentally, between will and will. Similarly, “truth” is not possessed but
is rather lived in the person who affirms his or her particular self by
choosing direction. This process, Buber argues, is guided by the presentiment
implanted in each of us of who we are meant to become.
f.
Hindrances to Dialogue
Along with the evasion of
responsibility and refusal to direct one’s possibilities described in Good and
Evil: Two Interpretations (1952), Buber argues in “Elements of the Interhuman”
(1957, in The Knowledge of Man) that the main obstacle to dialogue is the
duality of “being” (Sein) and “seeming” (Schein). Seeming is the essential
cowardice of man, the lying that frequently occurs in self-presentation when
one seeks to communicate an image and make a certain impression. The fullest
manifestation of this is found in the propagandist, who tries to impose his own
reality upon others. Corresponding to this is the rise of “existential
mistrust” described in Buber’s 1952 address at Carnegie Hall, “Hope for this
Hour” (in Pointing the Way). Mistrust takes it for granted that the other
dissembles, so that rather than genuine meeting, conversation becomes a game of
unmasking and uncovering unconscious motives. Buber criticizes Marx, Nietzsche
and Freud for meeting the other with suspicion and perceiving the truth of the
other as mere ideology. Similarly, in his acceptance speech for the 1953 Peace
Prize of the German Book Trade, “Genuine Dialogue and the Possibilities of
Peace” (in Pointing the Way), Buber argues the precondition for peace is
dialogue, which in turn rests on trust. In mistrust one presupposes that the
other is likewise filled with mistrust, leading to a dangerous reserve and lack
of candor.
As it is a key component of
his philosophic anthropology that one becomes a unified self through relations
with others, Buber was also quite critical of psychiatrist Carl Jung and the
philosophers of existence. He argued that subsuming reality under psychological
categories cuts man off from relations and does not treat the whole person, and
especially objected to Jung’s reduction of psychic phenomenon to categories of
the private unconscious. Despite his criticisms of Freud and Jung, Buber was
intensely interested in psychiatry and gave a series of lectures at the
Washington School of Psychiatry at the request of Leslie H. Farber (1957, in
The Knowledge of Man) and engaged in a public dialogue with Carl Rogers at the
University of Michigan (see Anderson and Cissna’s The Martin Buber-Carl Rogers
Dialogue: A New Transcript With Commentary). In these lectures, as well as his
1951 introduction to Hans Trüb’s Heilung aus der Begegnung (in English as
“Healing Through Meeting” in Pointing the Way), Buber criticizes the tendency
of psychology to “resolve” guilt without addressing the damaged relations at
the root of the feeling. In addition to Farber, Rogers and Trüb, Buber’s
dialogical approach to healing influenced a number of psychologists and
psychoanalysts, including Viktor von Weizsäcker, Ludwig Binswanger and Arie
Sborowitz.
Often labeled an
existentialist, Buber rejected the association. He asserted that while his
philosophy of dialogue presupposes existence, he knew of no philosophy of
existence that truly overcomes solitude and lets in otherness far enough.
Sartre in particular makes self-consciousness his starting point. But in an
“I-Thou” relation one does not have a split self, a moment of both experience
and self-reflection. Indeed, self-consciousness is one of the main barriers to
spontaneous meeting. Buber explains the inability to grasp otherness as
perceptual inadequacy that is fostered as a defensive mechanism in an attempt
to not be held responsible to what is addressing one. Only when the other is
accorded reality are we held accountable to him; only when we accord ourselves
a genuine existence are we held accountable to ourselves. Both are necessary
for dialogue, and both require courageous confirmation of oneself and the
other.
In Buber’s examples of
non-dialogue, the twin modes of distance and relation lose balance and
connectivity, and one pole overshadows the other, collapsing the distinction
between them. For example, mysticism (absorption in the all) turns into
narcissism (a retreat into myself), and collectivism (absorption in the crowd)
turns into lack of engagement with individuals (a retreat into individualism).
Buber identifies this same error in Emmanuel Lévinas’ philosophy. While Lévinas
acknowledged Buber as one of his main influences, the two had a series of
exchanges, documented in Levinas & Buber: Dialogue and Difference, in which
Buber argued that Lévinas had misunderstood and misapplied his philosophy. In
Buber’s notion of subject formation, the self is always related to and
responding to an “other”. But when Lévinas embraces otherness, he renders the
other transcendent, so that the self always struggles to reach out to and
adequately respond to an infinite other. This throws the self back into the
attitude of solitude that Buber sought to escape.
3.
Religious Writings
a.
Hasidic Judaism
In his 1952 book Eclipse of
God, Martin Buber explains that philosophy usually begins with a wrong set of
premises: that an isolated, inquiring mind experiences a separate, exterior
world, and that the absolute is found in universals. He prefers the religious,
which in contrast, is founded on relation, and means the covenant of the
absolute with the particular. Religion addresses whole being, while philosophy,
like science, fragments being. This emphasis on relation, particularity and
wholeness is found even in Buber’s earliest writings, such as his 1904
dissertation on the panentheistic German mystics Nicholas of Cusa and Jakob
Böhme, “On the History of the Problem of Individuation: Nicholas of Cusa and
Jakob Böhme.” Nicholas of Cusa postulates that God is a “coincidence of
opposites” and that He “contracts” himself into each creature, so that each
creature best approximates God by actualizing its own unique identity. Böhme
similarly presents God as both transcendent and immanent, and elaborates that
perfection of individuality is developed through mutual interaction.
The same elements that
attracted Buber to Nicholas of Cusa and Böhme he found fulfilled in Hasidism,
producing collections of Hasidic legends and anecdotes (Tales of Rabbi Nachman,
The Legend of the Baal-Shem and Tales of the Hasidim) as well as several
commentaries (including On Judaism, The Origin and Meaning of Hasidism and The
Way of Man: According to the Teaching of Hasidism). The Hebrew tsimtsum
expresses God’s “contraction” into the manifold world so that relation can
emerge. In distinction from the one, unlimited source, this manifold is
limited, but has the choice and responsibility to effect the unification
(yihud) of creation. The restoration of unity is described as “the freeing of the
sparks,” understood as the freeing of the divine element from difference
through the hallowing of the everyday.
In addition to defining
Hasidism by its quest for unity, Buber contrasts the Hasidic insistence on the
ongoing redemption of the world with the Christian belief that redemption has
already occurred through Jesus Christ. Each is charged with the task to redeem
their self and the section of creation
they occupy. Redemption takes place in the relation between man and
creator, and is neither solely dependent on God’s grace nor on man’s will. No
original sin can prohibit man from being able to turn to God. However, Buber is
not an unqualified voluntarist. As in his political essays, he describes
himself as a realistic meliorist. One cannot simply will redemption. Rather,
each person’s will does what it can with the particular concrete situation that
faces it.
The Hebrew notions of
kavana, or concentrated inner intention, and teshuva, or (re)turning to God
with one’s whole being, express the conviction that no person or action is so
sinful that it cannot be made holy and dedicated to God. Man hallows creation
by being himself and working in his own sphere. There is no need to be other,
or to reach beyond the human. Rather, one’s ordinary life activities are to be
done in such a way that they are sanctified and lead to the unification of the
self and creation. The legends and anecdotes of the historic zaddikim (Hasidic
spiritual and community leaders) that Buber recorded depict persons who
exemplify the hallowing of the everyday through the dedication of the whole
person.
If hallowing is successful,
the everyday is the religious, and there is no split between the political,
social or religious spheres. Consequently Buber rejects the notion that God is
to be found through mystical ecstasy in which one loses one’s sense of self and
is lifted out of everyday experience. Some commentators, such as Paul
Mendes-Flohr and Maurice Friedman, view this as a turn away from his earlier
preoccupation with mysticism in texts such as Ecstatic Confessions (1909) and
Daniel: Dialogues on Realization (1913). In later writings, such as “The
Question to the Single One” (1936, in Between Man and Man) and “What is Common
to All” (1958, in The Knowledge of Man), Buber argues that special states of
unity are experiences of self-unity, not identification with God, and that many
forms of mysticism express a flight from the task of dealing with the realities
of a concrete situation and working with others to build a common world into a
private sphere of illusion. Buber is especially critical of Kierkegaard’s
assertion that the religious transcends the ethical. Drawing on Hasidic
thought, he argues that creation is not an obstacle on the way to God, but the
way itself.
Buber did not strictly
follow Judaism’s religious laws. Worried that an “internal slavery” to
religious law stunts spiritual growth, he did not believe that revelation could
ever be law-giving in itself, but that revelation becomes legislation through
the self-contradiction of man. Principles require acting in a prescribed way,
but the uniqueness of each situation and encounter requires each to be
approached anew. He could not blindly accept laws but felt compelled to ask
continually if a particular law was addressing him in his particular situation.
While rejecting the universality of particular laws, this expresses a
meta-principle of dialogical readiness.
Buber’s interpretation of
Hasidism is not without its critics. Gershom Scholem in particular accused
Buber of selecting elements of Hasidism to confirm his “existentialist”
philosophy. Scholem argued that the emphasis on particulars and the concrete
that Buber so admired does not exist in Hasidism and that Buber’s erroneous
impressions derive from his attention to oral material and personalities at the
expense of theoretical texts. In general Buber had little historical or
scholarly interest in Hasidism. He took Hasidism to be less a historical
movement than a paradigmatic mode of communal renewal and was engaged by the
dynamic meaning of the anecdotes and the actions they pointed to. In a 1943
conversation with Scholem, Buber stated that if Scholem’s interpretation of
Hassidism was accurate, then he would have labored for forty years over Hasidic
sources in vain, for they would no longer interest him.
b.
Biblical Studies
In addition to his work with
Hasidism, Martin Buber also translated the Bible from Hebrew into German with
Franz Rosenzweig, and produced several religious analyses, including Kingship
of God, Moses: The Revelation and the Covenant, On the Bible: Eighteen Studies,
The Prophetic Faith and Two Types of Faith. Counter to religious thinkers such
as Karl Barth and Emmanuel Lévinas, Buber argues that God is not simply a
wholly transcendent other, but also wholly same, closer to each person than his
or her own self. However, God can be known only in his relation to man, not
apart from it. Buber interprets religious texts, and the Bible in particular,
as the history of God’s relation to man from the perspective of man. Thus, it
is not accurate to say that God changes throughout the texts, but that the
theophany, the human experience of God, changes. Consequently, Buber
characterizes his approach as tradition criticism, which emphasizes
experiential truth and uncovers historical themes, in contrast to source
criticism, which seeks to verify the accuracy of texts.
When translating the Bible,
Buber’s goal was to make the German version as close to the original oral
Hebrew as possible. Rather than smoothing over difficult or unclear passages,
he preferred to leave them rough. One important method was to identify keywords
(Leitworte) and study the linguistic relationship between the parts of the
text, uncovering the repetition of word stems and same or similar sounding
words. Buber also tried to ward against Platonizing tendencies by shifting from
static and impersonal terms to active and personal terms. For instance, whereas
kodesh had previously been translated “holy,” he used the term “hallowing” to
emphasize activity. Similarly, God is not the “Being” but the “Existing,” and
what had been rendered “Lord” became “I,” “Thou” and “He.”
Buber made two important
distinctions between forms of faith in his religious studies. In the 1954 essay
“Prophecy, Apocalyptic, and the Historical Hour” (in Pointing the Way), he
distinguishes between “apocalyptic” approaches, which dualistically separate
God from world, and regard evil as unredeemable, and “prophetic” stances, which
preserve the unity of God with the world and promise the fulfillment of
creation, allowing evil to find direction and serve the good. In the prophetic
attitude one draws oneself together so that one can contribute to history, but
in the apocalyptic attitude one fatalistically resigns oneself. The tension between
these two tendencies is illustrated in his 1943 historical novel Gog and Magog:
A Novel (also published as For the Sake of Heaven: A Hasidic Chronicle-Novel).
In Two Types of Faith
(1951), Buber distinguishes between the messianism of Jesus and the messianism
of Paul and John. While he had great respect for Jesus as a man, Buber did not
believe that Jesus took himself to be divine. Jesus’ form of faith corresponds
to emunah, faith in God’s continual presence in the life of each person. In
contrast, the faith of Paul and John, which Buber labels pistis, is that God
exists in Jesus. They have a dualistic notion of faith and action, and
exemplify the apocalyptic belief in irredeemable original sin and the
impossibility of fulfilling God’s law. Buber accuses Paul and John of
transforming myth, which is historically and biographically situated, into
gnosis, and replacing faith as trust and openness to encounter with faith in an
image.
4.
Political Philosophy
Martin Buber’s cultural
Zionism, with its early emphasis on aesthetic development, was inextricably
linked to his form of socialism. Buber argues that it is an ever-present human
need to feel at home in the world while experiencing confirmation of one’s
functional autonomy from others. The development of culture and aesthetic
capacities is not an end in itself but the precondition for a fully actualized
community, or “Zionism of realization” (Verwirklichungszionismus). The primary
goal of history is genuine community, which is characterized by an inner disposition
toward a life in common. This refutes the common misconception that an “I-Thou”
relation is an exclusive affective relation that cannot work within a communal
setting. Buber critiques collectivization for creating groups by atomizing
individuals and cutting them off from one another. Genuine community, in
contrast, is a group bound by common experiences with the disposition and
persistent readiness to enter into relation with any other member, each of whom
is confirmed as a differentiated being. He argues that this is best achieved in
village communes such as the Israeli kibbutzim.
In his 1947 study of utopian
socialism, Paths in Utopia, and 1951 essay “Society and the State” (in Pointing
the Way), Buber distinguished between the social and political principles. The
political principle, exemplified in the socialism of Marx and Lenin, tends
towards centralization of power, sacrificing society for the government in the
service of an abstract, universal utopianism. In contrast, influenced by his
close friend, anarchist Gustav Landauer, Buber postulates a social principle in
which the government serves to promote community. Genuine change, he insists,
does not occur in a top-down fashion, but only from a renewal of man’s
relations. Rather than ever-increasing centralization, he argues in favor of
federalism and the maximum decentralization compatible with given social
conditions, which would be an ever-shifting demarcation line of freedom.
Seeking to retrieve a
positive notion of utopianism, Buber characterizes genuine utopian socialism as
the ongoing realization of the latent potential for community in a concrete
place. Rather than seeking to impose an abstract ideal, he argues that genuine
community grows organically out of the topical and temporal needs of a given
situation and people. Rejecting economic determinism for voluntarism, he
insists that socialism is possible to the extent that people will a
revitalization of communal life. Similarly, his Zionism is not based on the
notion of a final state of redemption but an immediately attainable goal to be
worked for. This shifts the notion of utopian socialism from idealization to
actualization and equality.
Despite his support of the
communal life of the kibbutzim, Buber decried European methods of colonization
and argued that the kibbutzim would only be genuine communities if they were
not closed off from the world. Unlike nationalism, which sees the nation as an
end in itself, he hoped Israel would be more than a nation and would usher in a
new mode of being. The settlers must learn to live with Arabs in a vital peace,
not merely next to them in a pseudo-peace that he feared was just a prelude to
war. As time went on, Buber became increasingly critical of Israel, stating
that he feared a victory for the Jews over the Arabs would mean a defeat for
Zionism.
Buber’s criticism of Israeli
policies led to many public debates with its political leaders, in particular
David Ben-Gurion, Israel’s first Prime Minister. In a relatively early essay,
“The Task” (1922), Buber argued that the politicization of all life was the
greatest evil facing man. Politics inserts itself into every aspect of life,
breeding mistrust. This conviction strengthened over time, and in his 1946
essay “A Tragic Conflict” (in A Land of Two Peoples) he described the notion of
a politicized “surplus” conflict. When everything becomes politicized, imagined
conflict disguises itself as real, tragic conflict. Buber viewed Ben-Gurion as
representative of this politicizing tendency. Nevertheless, Buber remained
optimistic, believing that the greater the crisis the greater the possibility
for an elemental reversal and rebirth of the individual and society.
Buber’s relationship to
violence was complicated. He argued that violence does not lead to freedom or
rebirth but only renewed decline, and deplored revolutions whose means were not
in alignment with their end. Afraid that capital punishment would only create
martyrs and stymie dialogue, he protested the sentencing of both Jewish and
Arab militants and called the execution of Nazi Adolf Eichmann a grave mistake.
However, he insisted that he was not a pacifist and that, sometimes, just wars
must be fought. This was most clearly articulated in his 1938 exchange of
letters with Gandhi, who compared Nazi Germany to the plight of Indians in
South Africa and suggested that the Jews use satyagraha, or non-violent
“truth-force.” Buber was quite upset at the comparison of the two situations
and replied that satyagraha depends upon testimony. In the face of total loss
of rights, mass murder and forced oblivion, no such testimony was possible and
satyagraha was ineffective (see Pointing the Way and The Letters of Martin
Buber: A Life of Dialogue).
5.
Philosophy of Education
In addition to his work as
an educator, Martin Buber also delivered and published several essays on
philosophy of education, including “Education,” given in 1925 in Heidelberg (in
Between Man and Man). Against the progressive tone of the conference, Buber
argued that the opposite of compulsion and discipline is communion, not
freedom. The student is neither entirely active, so that the educator can
merely free his or her creative powers, nor is the student purely passive, so
that the educator merely pours in content. Rather, in their encounter, the
educative forces of the instructor meet the released instinct of the student.
The possibility for such communion rests on mutual trust.
The student trusts in the
educator, while the educator trusts that the student will take the opportunity
to fully develop herself. As the teacher awakens and confirms the student’s
ability to develop and communicate herself, the teacher learns to better
encounter the particular and unique in each student. In contrast to the
propagandist, the true educator influences but does not interfere. This is not
a desire to change the other, but rather to let what is right take seed and
grow in an appropriate form. Hence they have a dialogical relationship, but not
one of equal reciprocity. If the instructor is to do the job it cannot be a
relationship between equals.
Buber explains that one
cannot prepare students for every situation, but one can guide them to a
general understanding of their position and then prepare them to confront every
situation with courage and maturity. This is character or whole person
education. One educates for courage by nourishing trust through the
trustworthiness of the educator. Hence the presence and character of the
educator is more important than the content of what is actually taught. The
ideal educator is genuine to his or her core, and responds with his or her
“Thou”, instilling trust and enabling students to respond with their “Thou”.
Buber acknowledges that teachers face a tension between acting spontaneously
and acting with intention. They cannot plan for dialogue or trust, but they can
strive to leave themselves open for them.
In “Education and
World-View” (1935, in Pointing the Way), Buber further elaborates that in order
to prepare for a life in common, teachers must educate in such a way that both
individuation and community are advanced. This entails setting groups with
different world-views before each other and educating, not for tolerance, but
for solidarity. An education of solidarity means learning to live from the
point of view of the other without giving up one’s own view. Buber argues that
how one believes is more important than what one believes. Teachers must
develop their students to ask themselves on what their world-view stands, and
what they are doing with it.
Martin Buber was a prominent
twentieth century philosopher, religious thinker, political activist and
educator. Born in Austria, he spent most of his life in Germany and Israel,
writing in German and Hebrew. He is best known for his 1923 book, Ich und Du (I
and Thou), which distinguishes between “I-Thou” and “I-It” modes of existence.
Often characterized as an existentialist philosopher, Buber rejected the label,
contrasting his emphasis on the whole person and “dialogic” intersubjectivity
with existentialist emphasis on “monologic” self-consciousness. In his later
essays, he defines man as the being who faces an “other” and constructs a world
from the dual acts of distancing and relating. His writing challenges Kant,
Hegel, Marx, Kierkegaard, Nietzsche, Dilthey, Simmel and Heidegger, and he
influenced Emmanuel Lévinas.
Buber was also an important
cultural Zionist who promoted Jewish cultural renewal through his study of
Hasidic Judaism. He recorded and translated Hasidic legends and anecdotes,
translated the Bible from Hebrew into German in collaboration with Franz
Rosenzweig, and wrote numerous religious and Biblical studies. He advocated a
bi-national Israeli-Palestinian state and argued for the renewal of society
through decentralized, communitarian socialism. The leading Jewish adult
education specialist in Germany in the 1930s, he developed a philosophy of
education based on addressing the whole person through education of character,
and directed the creation of Jewish education centers in Germany and teacher-training
centers in Israel.
Most current scholarly work
on Buber is done in the areas of pedagogy, psychology and applied social
ethics.
1.
Biography
Mordecai Martin Buber was
born in Vienna in February 8, 1878. When he was three, his mother deserted him,
and his paternal grandparents raised him in Lemberg (now, Lviv) until the age
of fourteen, after which he moved to his father’s estate in Bukovina. Buber
would only see his mother once more, when he was in his early thirties. This
encounter he described as a “mismeeting” that helped teach him the meaning of
genuine meeting. His grandfather, Solomon, was a community leader and scholar
who edited the first critical edition of the Midrashim traditional biblical
commentaries. Solomon’s estate helped support Buber until it was confiscated
during World War II.
Buber was educated in a
multi-lingual setting and spoke German, Hebrew, Yiddish, Polish, English,
French and Italian, with a reading knowledge of Spanish, Latin, Greek and
Dutch. At the age of fourteen he began to be tormented with the problem of
imagining and conceptualizing the infinity of time. Reading Kant’s Prolegomena
to All Future Metaphysics helped relieve this anxiety. Shortly after he became
taken with Nietzsche’s Thus Spoke Zarathustra, which he began to translate into
Polish. However, this infatuation with Nietzsche was short lived and later in
life Buber stated that Kant gave him philosophic freedom, whereas Nietzsche
deprived him of it.
Buber spent his first year
of university studies at Vienna. Ultimately the theatre culture of Vienna and
the give-and-take of the seminar format impressed him more than any of his
particular professors. The winters of 1897-98 and 1898-99 were spent at the
University of Leipzig, where he took courses in philosophy and art history and
participated in the psychiatric clinics of Wilhelm Wundt and Paul Flecksig (see
Schmidt’s Martin Buber’s Formative Years: From German Culture to Jewish
Renewal, 1897-1909 for an analysis of Buber’s life during university studies
and a list of courses taken). He considered becoming a psychiatrist, but was
upset at the poor treatment and conditions of the patients.
The summer of 1899 he went
to the University of Zürich, where he met his wife Paula Winkler (1877-1958, pen
name Georg Munk). Paula was formally converted from Catholicism to Judaism.
They had two children, Rafael (1900-90) and Eva (1901-92).
From 1899-1901 Buber
attended the University of Berlin, where he took several courses with Wilhelm
Dilthey and Georg Simmel. He later explained that his philosophy of dialogue
was a conscious reaction against their notion of inner experience (Erlebnis)
(see Mendes-Flohr’s From Mysticism to Dialogue: Martin Buber’s Transformation
of German Social Thought for an analysis of the influence of Dilthey and
Simmel). During this time Buber gave lectures on the seventeenth century
Lutheran mystic Jakob Böhme, publishing an article on him in 1901 and writing
his dissertation for the University of Vienna in 1904 “On the History of the
Problem of Individuation: Nicholas of Cusa and Jakob Böhme.” After this he
lived in Florence from 1905-06, working on a habilitation thesis in art history
that he never completed.
In 1904 Buber came across
Tzevaat Ha-RIBASH (The Testament of Rabbi Israel, the Baal-Shem Tov), a
collection of sayings by the founder of Hasidism. Buber began to record Yiddish
Hasidic legends in German, publishing The Tales of Rabbi Nachman, on the Rabbi
of Breslov, in 1906, and The Legend of the Baal-Shem in 1907. The Legend of the
Baal-Shem sold very well and influenced writers Ranier Maria Rilke, Franz Kafka
and Herman Hesse. Buber was a habitual re-writer and editor of all of his
writings, which went through many editions even in his lifetime, and many of
these legends were later rewritten and included in his later two volume Tales
of the Hasidim (1947).
At the same time Buber
emerged as a leader in the Zionist movement. Initially under the influence of
Theodor Herzl, Buber’s Democratic Faction of the Zionist Party, but dramatically
broke away from Herzl after the 1901 Fifth Zionist Congress when the
organization refused to fund their cultural projects. In contrast to Herzl’s
territorial Zionism, Buber’s Zionism, like that of Ahad Ha’am, was based on
cultural renewal. Buber put together the first all-Jewish art exhibition in
1901, and in 1902 co-founded Jüdischer Verlag, a publishing house that produced
collections of Jewish poetry and art, with poet Berthold Feiwel, graphic artist
Ephraim Mosche Lilien and writer Davis Trietsche. This dedication to the arts
continued through the 1910s and 20s, as Buber published essays on theatre and
helped to develop both the Hellerau Experimental Theatre and the Dusseldorf
Playhouse (see Biemann and Urban’s works for Buber’s notion of Jewish
Renaissance and Braiterman for Buber’s relation to contemporaneous artistic
movements).
Buber was the editor of the
weekly Zionist paper Die Welt in 1901 and of Die Gesellschaft, a collection of
forty sociopsychological monographs, from 1905-12 (On Die Gesellschaft see
Mendes-Flohr’s From Mysticism to Dialogue: Martin Buber’s Transformation of
German Social Thought). His influence as a Jewish leader grew with a series of
lectures given between 1909-19 in Prague for the Zionist student group Bar
Kochba, later published as “Speeches on Judaism,” and was established by his
editorship of the influential monthly journal Der Jude from 1916-24. He also
founded, and from 1926-29 co-edited, Die Kreatur with theologian Joseph Wittig
and physician Viktor von Weizsäcker. Always active in constructing dialogue
across borders, this was the first high level periodical to be co-edited by
members of the Jewish, Protestant and Catholic faiths. Buber continued
inter-religious dialogue throughout his life, corresponding for instance with
Protestant theologians Paul Tillich and Reinhold Niebuhr.
Despite his prolific
publishing endeavors, Buber struggled to complete I and Thou. First drafted in
1916 and then revised in 1919, it was not until he went through a self-styled
three-year spiritual ascesis in which he only read Hasidic material and
Descartes’ Discourse on Method that he was able to finally publish this
groundbreaking work in 1923. After I and Thou, Buber is best known for his
translation of the Hebrew Bible into German. This monumental work began in 1925
in collaboration with Franz Rosenzweig, but was not completed until 1961, more
than 30 years after Rosenzweig’s death.
In 1923 Buber was appointed
the first lecturer in “Jewish Religious Philosophy and Ethics” at the
University of Frankfurt. He resigned after Hitler came into power in 1933 and
was banned from teaching until 1935, but continued to conduct Jewish-Christian
dialogues and organize Jewish education until he left for British Palestine in
1938. Initially Buber had planned to teach half a year in Palestine at Hebrew
University, an institution he had helped to conceive and found, and half a year
in Germany. But Kristallnacht, the devastation of his library in Heppenheim and
charges of Reichsfluchtsteuer (Tax on Flight from the Reich), because he had
not obtained a legal emigration permit, forced his relocation.
Buber engaged in “spiritual
resistance” against Nazism through communal education, seeking to give a
positive basis for Jewish identity by organizing the teaching of Hebrew, the
Bible and the Talmud. He reopened an influential and prestigious Frankfurt center
for Jewish studies, Freies jüdisches Lehrhaus (Free Jewish House of Learning)
in 1933 and directed it until his emigration. In 1934 he created and directed
the “Central Office for Jewish Adult Education” for the Reichsvertretung der
deutschen Juden (National Representation of German Jews).
After giving well-attended
talks in Berlin at the Berlin College of Jewish Education and the Berlin
Philharmonie, Buber, who as one of the leading Jewish public figures in Germany
became known as the “arch-Jew” by the Nazis, was banned from speaking in public
or at closed sessions of Jewish organizations. Despite extreme political
pressure, he continued to give lectures and published several essays, including
“The Question to the Single One” in 1936, which uses an analysis of Kierkegaard
to attack the foundations of totalitarianism (see Between Man and Man).
After his emigration Buber
became Chair of the Department of Sociology of Hebrew University, which he held
until his retirement in 1951. Continuing the educational work he had begun in
Germany, Buber established Beth Midrash l’Morei Am (School for the Education of
Teachers of the People) in 1949 and directed it until 1953. This prepared
teachers to live and work in the hostels and settlements of the newly arriving emigrants.
Education was based on the notion of dialogue, with small classes, mutual
questioning and answering, and psychological help for those coming from
detention camps.
From the beginning of his
Zionist activities Buber advocated Jewish-Arab unity in ending British rule of
Palestine and a binational state. In 1925 he helped found Brit Shalom (Covenant
of Peace) and in 1939 helped form the League for Jewish-Arab Rapprochement and
Cooperation, which consolidated all of the bi-national groups. In 1942, the
League created a political platform that was used as the basis for the
political party the Ichud (or Ihud, that is, Union). For his work for
Jewish-Arab parity Dag Hammarskjöld (then Secretary-General of the United
Nations) nominated him for the Nobel Peace Prize in 1959.
In addition to his
educational and political activities, the 1940s and 50s saw an outburst of more
than a dozen books on philosophy, politics and religion, and numerous public
talks throughout America and Europe. Buber received many awards, including the
Goethe Prize of the University of Hamburg (1951), the Peace Prize of the German
Book Trade (1953), the first Israeli honorary member of the American Academy of
Arts and Sciences (1961), and the Erasmus Prize (1963). However, Buber’s most
cherished honor was an informal student celebration of his 85th birthday, in
which some 400 students from Hebrew University rallied outside his house and
made him an honorary member of their student union.
On June 13, 1965 Martin
Buber died. The leading Jewish political figures of the time attended his
funeral. Classes were cancelled and hundreds of students lined up to say
goodbye as Buber was buried in the Har-Hamenuchot cemetery in Jerusalem.
2.
Philosophical Anthropology
a.
Introduction
Martin Buber’s major
philosophic works in English are the widely read I and Thou (1923), a
collection of essays from the 1920s and 30s published as Between Man and Man, a
collection of essays from the 1950s published as The Knowledge of Man: Selected
Essays and Good and Evil: Two Interpretations (1952). For many thinkers Buber
is the philosopher of I and Thou and he himself often suggested one begin with
that text. However, his later essays articulate a complex and worthy
philosophical anthropology.
Buber called himself a
“philosophical anthropologist” in his 1938 inaugural lectures as Professor of
Social Philosophy at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, entitled “What is
Man?” (in Between Man and Man). He states that he is explicitly responding to
Kant’s question “What is man?” and acknowledges in his biographic writings that
he has never fully shaken off Kant’s influence. But while Buber finds certain
similarities between his thought and Kant’s, particularly in ethics, he
explains in “Elements of the Interhuman” (in The Knowledge of Man, 1957) that
their origin and goal differ. The origin for Buber is always lived experience,
which means something personal, affective, corporeal and unique, and embedded in
a world, in history and in sociality. The goal is to study the wholeness of
man, especially that which has been overlooked or remains hidden. As an
anthropologist he wants to observe and investigate human life and experience as
it is lived, beginning with one’s own particular experience; as a philosophic
anthropologist he wants to make these particular experiences that elude the
universality of language understood. Any comprehensive overview of Buber’s
philosophy is hampered by his disdain for systemization. Buber stated that
ideologization was the worst thing that could happen to his philosophy and
never argued for the objectivity of his concepts. Knowing only the reality of
his own experience, he appealed to others who had analogous experiences.
Buber begins these lectures
by asserting that man only becomes a problem to himself and asks “What is man?”
in periods of social and cosmic homelessness. Targeting Kant and Hegel, he
argues that while this questioning begins in solitude, in order for man to find
who he is, he must overcome solitude and the whole way of conceiving of
knowledge and reality that is based on solitude. Buber accuses Hegel of
denigrating the concrete human person and community in favor of universal
reason and argues that man will never be at home or overcome his solitude in
the universe that Hegel postulates. With its emphasis on history, Hegel locates
perfection in time rather than in space. This type of future-oriented
perfection, Buber argues, can be thought, but it cannot be imagined, felt or
lived. Our relationship to this type of perfection can only rest on faith in a
guarantor for the future.
Instead, Buber locates
realization in relations between creatures. Overcoming our solitude, which
tends to oscillate between conceiving of the self as absorbed in the all
(collectivism) and the all as absorbed into the self (solipsistic mysticism),
we realize that we always exist in the presence of other selves, and that the
self is a part of reality only insofar as it is relational. In contrast to the
traditional philosophic answers to “What is man?” that fixate on reason,
self-consciousness or free will, Buber argues that man is the being who faces
an “other”, and a human home is built from relations of mutual confirmation.
b.
“I-Thou” and “I-It”
Martin Buber’s most
influential philosophic work, I and Thou (1923), is based on a distinction
between two word-pairs that designate two basic modes of existence: I-Thou”
(Ich-Du) and “I-It” (Ich-Es). The “I-Thou” relation is the pure encounter of
one whole unique entity with another in such a way that the other is known
without being subsumed under a universal. Not yet subject to classification or limitation, the “Thou” is
not reducible to spatial or temporal characteristics. In contrast to this the “I-It”
relation is driven by categories of “same” and “different” and focuses on
universal definition. An “I-It” relation experiences a detached thing, fixed in
space and time, while an “I-Thou” relation participates in the dynamic, living
process of an “other”.
Buber characterizes “I-Thou”
relations as “dialogical” and “I-It” relations as “monological.” In his 1929
essay “Dialogue,” Buber explains that monologue is not just a turning away from
the other but also a turning back on oneself (Rückbiegung). To perceive the
other as an It is to take them as a classified and hence predictable and
manipulable object that exists only as a part of one’s own experiences. In
contrast, in an “I-Thou” relation both participants exist as polarities of
relation, whose center lies in the between (Zwischen).
The “I” of man differs in
both modes of existence. The “I” may be taken as the sum of its inherent
attributes and acts, or it may be taken as a unitary, whole, irreducible being.
The “I” of the “I-It” relation is a self-enclosed, solitary individual (der
Einzige) that takes itself as the subject of experience. The “I” of the
“I-Thou” relation is a whole, focused, single person (der Einzelne) that knows
itself as subject. In later writings Buber clarified that inner life is not
exhausted by these two modes of being. However, when man presents himself to
the world he takes up one of them.
While each of us is born an
individual, Buber draws on the Aristotelian notion of entelechy, or innate
self-realization, to argue that the development of this individuality, or sheer
difference, into a whole personality, or fulfilled difference, is an ongoing
achievement that must be constantly maintained. In I and Thou, Buber explains
that the self becomes either more fragmentary or more unified through its
relationships to others. This emphasis on intersubjectivity is the main
difference between I and Thou and Buber’s earlier Daniel: Dialogues on
Realization (1913). Like I and Thou, Daniel distinguishes between two modes of
existence: orienting (Rientierung), which is a scientific grasp of the world
that links experiences, and realization (Verwirklichung), which is immersion in
experience that leads to a state of wholeness. While these foreshadow the
“I-It” and “I-Thou” modes, neither expresses a relationship to a real “other”.
In I and Thou man becomes whole not in relation to himself but only through a
relation to another self. The formation of the “I” of the “I-Thou” relation
takes place in a dialogical relationship in which each partner is both active
and passive and each is affirmed as a whole being. Only in this relationship is
the other truly an “other”, and only in this encounter can the “I” develop as a
whole being.
Buber identifies three
spheres of dialogue, or “I Thou” relations, which correspond to three types of
otherness. We exchange in language, broadly conceived, with man, transmit below
language with nature, and receive above language with spirit. Socrates is
offered as the paradigmatic figure of dialogue with man, Goethe, of dialogue
with nature, and Jesus, of dialogue with spirit. That we enter into dialogue
with man is easily seen; that we also enter into dialogue with nature and
spirit is less obvious and the most controversial and misunderstood aspect of I
and Thou. However, if we focus on the “I-Thou” relationship as a meeting of
singularities, we can see that if we truly enter into relation with a tree or
cat, for instance, we apprehend it not as a thing with certain attributes,
presenting itself as a concept to be dissected, but as a singular being, one
whole confronting another.
Dialogue with spirit is the
most difficult to explicate because Buber uses several different images for it.
At times he describes dialogue with spirit as dialogue with the “eternal Thou,”
which he sometimes calls God, which is
eternally “other”. Because of this, I and Thou was widely embraced by
Protestant theologians, who also held the notion that no intermediary was
necessary for religious knowledge. Buber also argues that the precondition for
a dialogic community is that each member be in a perpetual relation to a common
center, or “eternal Thou”. Here the “eternal Thou” represents the presence of
relationality as an eternal value. At other times, Buber describes dialogue
with spirit as the encounter with form that occurs in moments of artistic
inspiration or the encounter with personality that occurs in intensive
engagement with another thinker’s works. Spiritual address is that which calls
us to transcend our present state of being through creative action. The eternal
form can either be an image of the self one feels called to become or some
object or deed that one feels called to bring into the world.
Besides worries over Buber’s
description of man’s dialogue with nature and spirit, three other main
complaints have been raised against I and Thou. The first, mentioned by Walter
Kaufmann in the introduction to his translation of I and Thou, is that the
language is overly obscure and romantic, so that there is a risk that the
reader will be aesthetically swept along into thinking the text is more
profound than it actually is. Buber acknowledges that the text was written in a
state of inspiration. For this reason it is especially important to also read
his later essays, which are more clearly written and rigorously argued. E. la
B. Cherbonnier notes in “Interrogation of Martin Buber” that every objective
criticism of Buber’s philosophy would belong, by definition, to the realm of
“I-It”. Given the incommensurability of the two modes, this means no objective
criticism of the “I-Thou” mode is possible. In his response Buber explains that
he is concerned to avoid internal contradiction and welcomes criticism.
However, he acknowledges that his intention was not to create an objective
philosophic system but to communicate an experience.
Finally, I and Thou is often
criticized for denigrating philosophic and scientific knowledge by elevating
“I-Thou” encounters above “I-It” encounters. It is important to note that Buber
by no means renounces the usefulness and necessity of “I-It” modes. His point
is rather to investigate what it is to be a person and what modes of activity
further the development of the person. Though one is only truly human to the
extent one is capable of “I-Thou” relationships, the “It” world allows us to
classify, function and navigate. It gives us all scientific knowledge and is
indispensable for life. There is a graduated structure of “I-It” relations as
they approximate an “I-Thou” relationship, but the “I-Thou” remains contrasted
to even the highest stage of an “I-It” relation, which still contains some
objectification. However, each “Thou” must sometimes turn into an “It”, for in
responding to an “other” we bind it to representation. Even the “eternal Thou”
is turned into an It for us when religion, ethics and art become fixed and
mechanical. However, an “I-It” relation can be constituted in such a way as to
leave open the possibility of further “I-Thou” encounters, or so as to close
off that possibility.
c.
Distance and Relation
In I and Thou Martin Buber
discusses the a priori basis of the relation, presenting the “I-Thou” encounter
as the more primordial one, both in the life of humans, as when an infant
reaches for its mother, and in the life of a culture, as seen in relationships
in primitive cultures. However, in the 1951 essay “Distance and Relation,”
written in the midst of the Palestinian conflicts, he explains that while this
may be true from an anthropological perspective, from an ontological one it
must be said that distance (Urdistanz) is the precondition for the emergence of
relation (Beziehung), whether “I-Thou” or “I-It”. Primal distance sets up the
possibility of these two basic word pairs, and the between (Zwischen) emerges
out of them. Humans find themselves primally distanced and differentiated; it
is our choice to then thin or thicken the distance by entering into an “I-Thou”
relation with an “other” or withdrawing into an “I-It” mode of existence.
Only man truly distances,
Buber argues, and hence only man has a “world.” Man is the being through whose
existence what “is” becomes recognized for itself. Animals respond to the other
only as embedded within their own experience, but even when faced with an
enemy, man is capable of seeing his enemy as a being with similar emotions and
motivations. Even if these are unknown , we are able to recognize that these
unknown qualities of the other are “real” while our fantasies about the other
are not. Setting at a distance is hence not the consequence of a reflective,
“It” attitude, but the precondition for all human encounters with the world,
including reflection.
Buber argues that every
stage of the spirit, however primal, wishes to form and express itself. Form
assumes communication with an interlocutor who will recognize and share in the
form one has made. Distance and relation mutually correspond because in order
for the world to be grasped as a whole by a person, it must be distanced and
independent from him and yet also include him, and his attitude, perception,
and relation to it. Consequently, one cannot truly have a world unless one
receives confirmation of one’s own substantial and independent identity in
one’s relations with others.
Relation presupposes
distance, but distance can occur without genuine relation. Buber explains that
distance is the universal situation of our existence; relation is personal
becoming in the situation. Relation presupposes a genuine other and only man
sees the other as other. This other withstands and confirms the self and hence
meets our primal instinct for relation. Just as we have the instinct to name,
differentiate, and make independent a lasting and substantial world, we also
have the instinct to relate to what we have made independent. Only man truly
relates, and when we move away from relation we give up our specifically human
status.
d.
Confirmation and Inclusion
Confirmation is a central
theme of Martin Buber’s philosophic texts as well as his articles on education
and politics. Buber argues that, while animals sometimes turn to humans in a
declaring or announcing mode, they do not need to be told that they are what
they are and do not see whom they address as an existence independent of their
own experience. But because man experiences himself as indeterminate, his
actualization of one possibility over another needs confirmation. In
confirmation one meets, chooses and recognizes the other as a subject with the
capacity to actualize one’s own potential. In order for confirmation to be
complete one must know that he is being made present to the other.
As becomes clear in his
articles on education, confirmation is not the same as acceptance or
unconditional affirmation of everything the other says or does. Since we are
not born completely focused and differentiated and must struggle to achieve a
unified personality, sometimes we have to help an “other” to actualize
themselves against their own immediate inclination. In these cases confirmation
denotes a grasp of the latent unity of the other and confirmation of what the
other can become. Nor does confirmation imply that a dialogic or “I-Thou”
relation must always be fully mutual. Helping relations, such as educating or
healing, are necessarily asymmetrical.
In the course of his writing
Buber uses various terms, such as “embrace” or “inclusion” (Umfassung),
“imagining the real” (Realphantasie), and in reference to Kant, “synthesizing
apperception,” to describe the grasp of the other that is necessary for
confirmation and that occurs in an “I-Thou” relation. “Imagining the real” is a
capacity; “making present” is an event, the highest expression of this capacity
in a genuine meeting of two persons. This form of knowledge is not the
subsumption of the particularity of the other under a universal category. When
one embraces the pain of another, this is not a sense of what pain is in
general, but knowledge of this specific pain of this specific person. Nor is
this identification with them, since the pain always remains their own specific
pain. Buber differentiates inclusion from empathy. In empathy one’s own
concrete personality and situation is lost in aesthetic absorption in the
other. In contrast, through inclusion, one person lives through a common event
from the standpoint of another person, without giving up their own point of
view.
e.
Good and Evil
Martin Buber’s 1952 Good and
Evil: Two Interpretations answers the question “What is man?” in a slightly
different way than the essays in Between Man and Man and The Knowledge of Man.
Rather than focusing on relation, Good and Evil: Two Interpretations emphasizes
man’s experience of possibility and struggle to become actualized. Framing his
discussion around an analysis of psalms and Zoroastrian and Biblical myths,
Buber interprets the language of sin, judgment and atonement in purely existential
terms that are influenced by Hasidic Judaism, Kant’s analysis of caprice
(Willkür) and focused will (Wille), and Kierkegaard’s discussion of anxiety.
Buber argues that good and evil are not two poles of the same continuum, but
rather direction (Richtung) and absence of direction, or vortex (Wirbel). Evil
is a formless, chaotic swirling of potentiality; in the life of man it is
experienced as endless possibility pulling in all directions. Good is that
which forms and determines this possibility, limiting it into a particular direction. We manifest the good to
the extent we become a singular being with a singular direction.
Buber explains that
imagination is the source of both good and evil. The “evil urge” in the
imagination generates endless possibilities. This is fundamental and necessary,
and only becomes “evil” when it is completely separated from direction. Man’s
task is not to eradicate the evil urge, but to reunite it with the good, and
become a whole being. The first stage of evil is “sin,” occasional
directionlessness. Endless possibility can be overwhelming, leading man to
grasp at anything, distracting and busying himself, in order to not have to
make a real, committed choice. The second stage of evil is “wickedness,” when
caprice is embraced as a deformed substitute for genuine will and becomes
characteristic. If occasional caprice is sin, and embraced caprice is
wickedness, creative power in conjunction with will is wholeness. The “good
urge” in the imagination limits possibility by saying no to manifold
possibility and directing passion in order to decisively realize potentiality.
In so doing it redeems evil by transforming it from anxious possibility into
creativity. Because of the temptation of possibility, one is not whole or good
once and for all. Rather, this is an achievement that must be constantly
accomplished.
Buber interprets the claim
that in the end the good are rewarded and the bad punished as the experience
the bad have of their own fragmentation, insubstantiality and “non-existence.”
Arguing that evil can never be done with the whole being, but only out of inner
contradiction, Buber states that the lie or divided spirit is the specific evil
that man has introduced into nature. Here “lie” denotes a self that evades
itself, as manifested not just in a gap between will and action, but more
fundamentally, between will and will. Similarly, “truth” is not possessed but
is rather lived in the person who affirms his or her particular self by
choosing direction. This process, Buber argues, is guided by the presentiment
implanted in each of us of who we are meant to become.
f.
Hindrances to Dialogue
Along with the evasion of
responsibility and refusal to direct one’s possibilities described in Good and
Evil: Two Interpretations (1952), Buber argues in “Elements of the Interhuman”
(1957, in The Knowledge of Man) that the main obstacle to dialogue is the
duality of “being” (Sein) and “seeming” (Schein). Seeming is the essential
cowardice of man, the lying that frequently occurs in self-presentation when
one seeks to communicate an image and make a certain impression. The fullest
manifestation of this is found in the propagandist, who tries to impose his own
reality upon others. Corresponding to this is the rise of “existential
mistrust” described in Buber’s 1952 address at Carnegie Hall, “Hope for this
Hour” (in Pointing the Way). Mistrust takes it for granted that the other
dissembles, so that rather than genuine meeting, conversation becomes a game of
unmasking and uncovering unconscious motives. Buber criticizes Marx, Nietzsche
and Freud for meeting the other with suspicion and perceiving the truth of the
other as mere ideology. Similarly, in his acceptance speech for the 1953 Peace
Prize of the German Book Trade, “Genuine Dialogue and the Possibilities of
Peace” (in Pointing the Way), Buber argues the precondition for peace is
dialogue, which in turn rests on trust. In mistrust one presupposes that the
other is likewise filled with mistrust, leading to a dangerous reserve and lack
of candor.
As it is a key component of
his philosophic anthropology that one becomes a unified self through relations
with others, Buber was also quite critical of psychiatrist Carl Jung and the
philosophers of existence. He argued that subsuming reality under psychological
categories cuts man off from relations and does not treat the whole person, and
especially objected to Jung’s reduction of psychic phenomenon to categories of
the private unconscious. Despite his criticisms of Freud and Jung, Buber was
intensely interested in psychiatry and gave a series of lectures at the
Washington School of Psychiatry at the request of Leslie H. Farber (1957, in
The Knowledge of Man) and engaged in a public dialogue with Carl Rogers at the
University of Michigan (see Anderson and Cissna’s The Martin Buber-Carl Rogers
Dialogue: A New Transcript With Commentary). In these lectures, as well as his
1951 introduction to Hans Trüb’s Heilung aus der Begegnung (in English as
“Healing Through Meeting” in Pointing the Way), Buber criticizes the tendency
of psychology to “resolve” guilt without addressing the damaged relations at
the root of the feeling. In addition to Farber, Rogers and Trüb, Buber’s
dialogical approach to healing influenced a number of psychologists and
psychoanalysts, including Viktor von Weizsäcker, Ludwig Binswanger and Arie
Sborowitz.
Often labeled an
existentialist, Buber rejected the association. He asserted that while his
philosophy of dialogue presupposes existence, he knew of no philosophy of
existence that truly overcomes solitude and lets in otherness far enough.
Sartre in particular makes self-consciousness his starting point. But in an
“I-Thou” relation one does not have a split self, a moment of both experience
and self-reflection. Indeed, self-consciousness is one of the main barriers to
spontaneous meeting. Buber explains the inability to grasp otherness as
perceptual inadequacy that is fostered as a defensive mechanism in an attempt
to not be held responsible to what is addressing one. Only when the other is
accorded reality are we held accountable to him; only when we accord ourselves
a genuine existence are we held accountable to ourselves. Both are necessary
for dialogue, and both require courageous confirmation of oneself and the
other.
In Buber’s examples of
non-dialogue, the twin modes of distance and relation lose balance and
connectivity, and one pole overshadows the other, collapsing the distinction
between them. For example, mysticism (absorption in the all) turns into
narcissism (a retreat into myself), and collectivism (absorption in the crowd)
turns into lack of engagement with individuals (a retreat into individualism).
Buber identifies this same error in Emmanuel Lévinas’ philosophy. While Lévinas
acknowledged Buber as one of his main influences, the two had a series of
exchanges, documented in Levinas & Buber: Dialogue and Difference, in which
Buber argued that Lévinas had misunderstood and misapplied his philosophy. In
Buber’s notion of subject formation, the self is always related to and
responding to an “other”. But when Lévinas embraces otherness, he renders the
other transcendent, so that the self always struggles to reach out to and
adequately respond to an infinite other. This throws the self back into the
attitude of solitude that Buber sought to escape.
3.
Religious Writings
a.
Hasidic Judaism
In his 1952 book Eclipse of
God, Martin Buber explains that philosophy usually begins with a wrong set of
premises: that an isolated, inquiring mind experiences a separate, exterior
world, and that the absolute is found in universals. He prefers the religious,
which in contrast, is founded on relation, and means the covenant of the
absolute with the particular. Religion addresses whole being, while philosophy,
like science, fragments being. This emphasis on relation, particularity and
wholeness is found even in Buber’s earliest writings, such as his 1904
dissertation on the panentheistic German mystics Nicholas of Cusa and Jakob
Böhme, “On the History of the Problem of Individuation: Nicholas of Cusa and
Jakob Böhme.” Nicholas of Cusa postulates that God is a “coincidence of
opposites” and that He “contracts” himself into each creature, so that each
creature best approximates God by actualizing its own unique identity. Böhme
similarly presents God as both transcendent and immanent, and elaborates that
perfection of individuality is developed through mutual interaction.
The same elements that
attracted Buber to Nicholas of Cusa and Böhme he found fulfilled in Hasidism,
producing collections of Hasidic legends and anecdotes (Tales of Rabbi Nachman,
The Legend of the Baal-Shem and Tales of the Hasidim) as well as several
commentaries (including On Judaism, The Origin and Meaning of Hasidism and The
Way of Man: According to the Teaching of Hasidism). The Hebrew tsimtsum
expresses God’s “contraction” into the manifold world so that relation can
emerge. In distinction from the one, unlimited source, this manifold is
limited, but has the choice and responsibility to effect the unification
(yihud) of creation. The restoration of unity is described as “the freeing of the
sparks,” understood as the freeing of the divine element from difference
through the hallowing of the everyday.
In addition to defining
Hasidism by its quest for unity, Buber contrasts the Hasidic insistence on the
ongoing redemption of the world with the Christian belief that redemption has
already occurred through Jesus Christ. Each is charged with the task to redeem
their self and the section of creation
they occupy. Redemption takes place in the relation between man and
creator, and is neither solely dependent on God’s grace nor on man’s will. No
original sin can prohibit man from being able to turn to God. However, Buber is
not an unqualified voluntarist. As in his political essays, he describes
himself as a realistic meliorist. One cannot simply will redemption. Rather,
each person’s will does what it can with the particular concrete situation that
faces it.
The Hebrew notions of
kavana, or concentrated inner intention, and teshuva, or (re)turning to God
with one’s whole being, express the conviction that no person or action is so
sinful that it cannot be made holy and dedicated to God. Man hallows creation
by being himself and working in his own sphere. There is no need to be other,
or to reach beyond the human. Rather, one’s ordinary life activities are to be
done in such a way that they are sanctified and lead to the unification of the
self and creation. The legends and anecdotes of the historic zaddikim (Hasidic
spiritual and community leaders) that Buber recorded depict persons who
exemplify the hallowing of the everyday through the dedication of the whole
person.
If hallowing is successful,
the everyday is the religious, and there is no split between the political,
social or religious spheres. Consequently Buber rejects the notion that God is
to be found through mystical ecstasy in which one loses one’s sense of self and
is lifted out of everyday experience. Some commentators, such as Paul
Mendes-Flohr and Maurice Friedman, view this as a turn away from his earlier
preoccupation with mysticism in texts such as Ecstatic Confessions (1909) and
Daniel: Dialogues on Realization (1913). In later writings, such as “The
Question to the Single One” (1936, in Between Man and Man) and “What is Common
to All” (1958, in The Knowledge of Man), Buber argues that special states of
unity are experiences of self-unity, not identification with God, and that many
forms of mysticism express a flight from the task of dealing with the realities
of a concrete situation and working with others to build a common world into a
private sphere of illusion. Buber is especially critical of Kierkegaard’s
assertion that the religious transcends the ethical. Drawing on Hasidic
thought, he argues that creation is not an obstacle on the way to God, but the
way itself.
Buber did not strictly
follow Judaism’s religious laws. Worried that an “internal slavery” to
religious law stunts spiritual growth, he did not believe that revelation could
ever be law-giving in itself, but that revelation becomes legislation through
the self-contradiction of man. Principles require acting in a prescribed way,
but the uniqueness of each situation and encounter requires each to be
approached anew. He could not blindly accept laws but felt compelled to ask
continually if a particular law was addressing him in his particular situation.
While rejecting the universality of particular laws, this expresses a
meta-principle of dialogical readiness.
Buber’s interpretation of
Hasidism is not without its critics. Gershom Scholem in particular accused
Buber of selecting elements of Hasidism to confirm his “existentialist”
philosophy. Scholem argued that the emphasis on particulars and the concrete
that Buber so admired does not exist in Hasidism and that Buber’s erroneous
impressions derive from his attention to oral material and personalities at the
expense of theoretical texts. In general Buber had little historical or
scholarly interest in Hasidism. He took Hasidism to be less a historical
movement than a paradigmatic mode of communal renewal and was engaged by the
dynamic meaning of the anecdotes and the actions they pointed to. In a 1943
conversation with Scholem, Buber stated that if Scholem’s interpretation of
Hassidism was accurate, then he would have labored for forty years over Hasidic
sources in vain, for they would no longer interest him.
b.
Biblical Studies
In addition to his work with
Hasidism, Martin Buber also translated the Bible from Hebrew into German with
Franz Rosenzweig, and produced several religious analyses, including Kingship
of God, Moses: The Revelation and the Covenant, On the Bible: Eighteen Studies,
The Prophetic Faith and Two Types of Faith. Counter to religious thinkers such
as Karl Barth and Emmanuel Lévinas, Buber argues that God is not simply a
wholly transcendent other, but also wholly same, closer to each person than his
or her own self. However, God can be known only in his relation to man, not
apart from it. Buber interprets religious texts, and the Bible in particular,
as the history of God’s relation to man from the perspective of man. Thus, it
is not accurate to say that God changes throughout the texts, but that the
theophany, the human experience of God, changes. Consequently, Buber
characterizes his approach as tradition criticism, which emphasizes
experiential truth and uncovers historical themes, in contrast to source
criticism, which seeks to verify the accuracy of texts.
When translating the Bible,
Buber’s goal was to make the German version as close to the original oral
Hebrew as possible. Rather than smoothing over difficult or unclear passages,
he preferred to leave them rough. One important method was to identify keywords
(Leitworte) and study the linguistic relationship between the parts of the
text, uncovering the repetition of word stems and same or similar sounding
words. Buber also tried to ward against Platonizing tendencies by shifting from
static and impersonal terms to active and personal terms. For instance, whereas
kodesh had previously been translated “holy,” he used the term “hallowing” to
emphasize activity. Similarly, God is not the “Being” but the “Existing,” and
what had been rendered “Lord” became “I,” “Thou” and “He.”
Buber made two important
distinctions between forms of faith in his religious studies. In the 1954 essay
“Prophecy, Apocalyptic, and the Historical Hour” (in Pointing the Way), he
distinguishes between “apocalyptic” approaches, which dualistically separate
God from world, and regard evil as unredeemable, and “prophetic” stances, which
preserve the unity of God with the world and promise the fulfillment of
creation, allowing evil to find direction and serve the good. In the prophetic
attitude one draws oneself together so that one can contribute to history, but
in the apocalyptic attitude one fatalistically resigns oneself. The tension between
these two tendencies is illustrated in his 1943 historical novel Gog and Magog:
A Novel (also published as For the Sake of Heaven: A Hasidic Chronicle-Novel).
In Two Types of Faith
(1951), Buber distinguishes between the messianism of Jesus and the messianism
of Paul and John. While he had great respect for Jesus as a man, Buber did not
believe that Jesus took himself to be divine. Jesus’ form of faith corresponds
to emunah, faith in God’s continual presence in the life of each person. In
contrast, the faith of Paul and John, which Buber labels pistis, is that God
exists in Jesus. They have a dualistic notion of faith and action, and
exemplify the apocalyptic belief in irredeemable original sin and the
impossibility of fulfilling God’s law. Buber accuses Paul and John of
transforming myth, which is historically and biographically situated, into
gnosis, and replacing faith as trust and openness to encounter with faith in an
image.
4.
Political Philosophy
Martin Buber’s cultural
Zionism, with its early emphasis on aesthetic development, was inextricably
linked to his form of socialism. Buber argues that it is an ever-present human
need to feel at home in the world while experiencing confirmation of one’s
functional autonomy from others. The development of culture and aesthetic
capacities is not an end in itself but the precondition for a fully actualized
community, or “Zionism of realization” (Verwirklichungszionismus). The primary
goal of history is genuine community, which is characterized by an inner disposition
toward a life in common. This refutes the common misconception that an “I-Thou”
relation is an exclusive affective relation that cannot work within a communal
setting. Buber critiques collectivization for creating groups by atomizing
individuals and cutting them off from one another. Genuine community, in
contrast, is a group bound by common experiences with the disposition and
persistent readiness to enter into relation with any other member, each of whom
is confirmed as a differentiated being. He argues that this is best achieved in
village communes such as the Israeli kibbutzim.
In his 1947 study of utopian
socialism, Paths in Utopia, and 1951 essay “Society and the State” (in Pointing
the Way), Buber distinguished between the social and political principles. The
political principle, exemplified in the socialism of Marx and Lenin, tends
towards centralization of power, sacrificing society for the government in the
service of an abstract, universal utopianism. In contrast, influenced by his
close friend, anarchist Gustav Landauer, Buber postulates a social principle in
which the government serves to promote community. Genuine change, he insists,
does not occur in a top-down fashion, but only from a renewal of man’s
relations. Rather than ever-increasing centralization, he argues in favor of
federalism and the maximum decentralization compatible with given social
conditions, which would be an ever-shifting demarcation line of freedom.
Seeking to retrieve a
positive notion of utopianism, Buber characterizes genuine utopian socialism as
the ongoing realization of the latent potential for community in a concrete
place. Rather than seeking to impose an abstract ideal, he argues that genuine
community grows organically out of the topical and temporal needs of a given
situation and people. Rejecting economic determinism for voluntarism, he
insists that socialism is possible to the extent that people will a
revitalization of communal life. Similarly, his Zionism is not based on the
notion of a final state of redemption but an immediately attainable goal to be
worked for. This shifts the notion of utopian socialism from idealization to
actualization and equality.
Despite his support of the
communal life of the kibbutzim, Buber decried European methods of colonization
and argued that the kibbutzim would only be genuine communities if they were
not closed off from the world. Unlike nationalism, which sees the nation as an
end in itself, he hoped Israel would be more than a nation and would usher in a
new mode of being. The settlers must learn to live with Arabs in a vital peace,
not merely next to them in a pseudo-peace that he feared was just a prelude to
war. As time went on, Buber became increasingly critical of Israel, stating
that he feared a victory for the Jews over the Arabs would mean a defeat for
Zionism.
Buber’s criticism of Israeli
policies led to many public debates with its political leaders, in particular
David Ben-Gurion, Israel’s first Prime Minister. In a relatively early essay,
“The Task” (1922), Buber argued that the politicization of all life was the
greatest evil facing man. Politics inserts itself into every aspect of life,
breeding mistrust. This conviction strengthened over time, and in his 1946
essay “A Tragic Conflict” (in A Land of Two Peoples) he described the notion of
a politicized “surplus” conflict. When everything becomes politicized, imagined
conflict disguises itself as real, tragic conflict. Buber viewed Ben-Gurion as
representative of this politicizing tendency. Nevertheless, Buber remained
optimistic, believing that the greater the crisis the greater the possibility
for an elemental reversal and rebirth of the individual and society.
Buber’s relationship to
violence was complicated. He argued that violence does not lead to freedom or
rebirth but only renewed decline, and deplored revolutions whose means were not
in alignment with their end. Afraid that capital punishment would only create
martyrs and stymie dialogue, he protested the sentencing of both Jewish and
Arab militants and called the execution of Nazi Adolf Eichmann a grave mistake.
However, he insisted that he was not a pacifist and that, sometimes, just wars
must be fought. This was most clearly articulated in his 1938 exchange of
letters with Gandhi, who compared Nazi Germany to the plight of Indians in
South Africa and suggested that the Jews use satyagraha, or non-violent
“truth-force.” Buber was quite upset at the comparison of the two situations
and replied that satyagraha depends upon testimony. In the face of total loss
of rights, mass murder and forced oblivion, no such testimony was possible and
satyagraha was ineffective (see Pointing the Way and The Letters of Martin
Buber: A Life of Dialogue).
5.
Philosophy of Education
In addition to his work as
an educator, Martin Buber also delivered and published several essays on
philosophy of education, including “Education,” given in 1925 in Heidelberg (in
Between Man and Man). Against the progressive tone of the conference, Buber
argued that the opposite of compulsion and discipline is communion, not
freedom. The student is neither entirely active, so that the educator can
merely free his or her creative powers, nor is the student purely passive, so
that the educator merely pours in content. Rather, in their encounter, the
educative forces of the instructor meet the released instinct of the student.
The possibility for such communion rests on mutual trust.
The student trusts in the
educator, while the educator trusts that the student will take the opportunity
to fully develop herself. As the teacher awakens and confirms the student’s
ability to develop and communicate herself, the teacher learns to better
encounter the particular and unique in each student. In contrast to the
propagandist, the true educator influences but does not interfere. This is not
a desire to change the other, but rather to let what is right take seed and
grow in an appropriate form. Hence they have a dialogical relationship, but not
one of equal reciprocity. If the instructor is to do the job it cannot be a
relationship between equals.
Buber explains that one
cannot prepare students for every situation, but one can guide them to a
general understanding of their position and then prepare them to confront every
situation with courage and maturity. This is character or whole person
education. One educates for courage by nourishing trust through the
trustworthiness of the educator. Hence the presence and character of the
educator is more important than the content of what is actually taught. The
ideal educator is genuine to his or her core, and responds with his or her
“Thou”, instilling trust and enabling students to respond with their “Thou”.
Buber acknowledges that teachers face a tension between acting spontaneously
and acting with intention. They cannot plan for dialogue or trust, but they can
strive to leave themselves open for them.
In “Education and
World-View” (1935, in Pointing the Way), Buber further elaborates that in order
to prepare for a life in common, teachers must educate in such a way that both
individuation and community are advanced. This entails setting groups with
different world-views before each other and educating, not for tolerance, but
for solidarity. An education of solidarity means learning to live from the
point of view of the other without giving up one’s own view. Buber argues that
how one believes is more important than what one believes. Teachers must
develop their students to ask themselves on what their world-view stands, and
what they are doing with it.
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